Gaza Strip

OVERVIEW
The Gaza Strip lies along the Mediterranean coast between Israel and Egypt. Gaza is roughly twice the size of Washington, D.C., but its population is considerably more than twice as large, giving it one of the highest densities in the world. The majority of its approximately 1.4 million residents are Palestinian refugees, many of whom have been living in refugee camps for decades; 80 percent were estimated to be living in poverty in mid-2007, a figure that has doubtless grown.
Gaza has remained largely isolated from the international community since it came under the control of the Palestinaian political faction Hamas, which has refused to accept the conditions set by the so-called quartet of Middle East peacemakers, including renouncing violence, recognizing Israel's right to exist and accepting previous signed agreements between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization. In 2006, Hamas swept parliamentary elections in Gaza. Israel and Egypt imposed a strict economic embargo on the area, allowing in only basic supplies.
In December 2008 Hamas stepped up its firing of rockets and mortars into Israeli border towns, and Israel responded with a devastating air and ground campaign that left at least 1,300 Palestinians dead by the time a cease-fire was unilaterally declared by both sides on Jan. 18, 2009. Much of the region's civil infrastructure and many homes were left in ruins.
Gaza remains suspended in a state of continuing misery that falls somewhere short of catastrophic. While Israel and Egypt are both still blocking Gaza's borders to squeeze Hamas, Israel allows a daily shipment of rations and other aid. But in the mind of many Gazans, the issue is not hunger -- it is idleness, uncertainty and despair.
In May 2010, the Israeli blockade of Gaza became the center of international attention when Israeli commandos attacked a freighter that was part of a flotilla seeking to breach it, bearing a cargo that included toys, used clothes and wheelchairs. Nine of the activists on board were killed, leading to widespread protests and calls for an end to the blockade. In June 2010, Israel announced what it called "adjustments" in its policy, promising to ease the entry of building supplies and other goods into Gaza by land while maintaining its naval blockade.
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A STRUGGLE FOR CONTROL
Under the Oslo peace accords signed in 1993, Gaza was turned over to the newly created Palestinian Authority, to form one wing of a nascent Palestinian state, along with the West Bank and a potential land corridor between them. Yassir Arafat, the president of the authority and leader of the Fatah movement, ruled both areas. But as the years passed, it became clear that the Fatah party had less of a hold on Gaza than on the West Bank. Hamas became steadily more popular in Gaza, both because of the social services it provided and because of its more militant stance.
In September 2005, the Israeli prime minister at the time, Ariel Sharon, unilaterally withdrew all Israeli settlers from Gaza, making it the first territory completely in Palestinian hands. Israel, however, kept tight control over all border crossings and continued to conduct raids.
In January 2006, after Arafat's death, Hamas won a surprise victory in the Palestinian parliamentary elections, ousting the Fatah government, but not Arafat's successor, Mahmoud Abbas, who had succeeded him as Fatah leader as well as president. While Hamas had polled well in the West Bank, its center of power remained in Gaza, and the two factions eyed each other warily while briefly forming a government of national unity.
More than 100 people were killed in the fighting in June 2007 in which Hamas gunmen routed the Fatah forces and seized control of Gaza outright. Israel, which had refused to recognize the Hamas government, responded by clamping down even tighter on the flow of goods and people in and out of the territories.
WAR WITH ISRAEL
By June 2008, Hamas and Israel were both ready to reach some sort of accommodation and, with the help of Egypt, a six-month truce was declared although never formally defined.
Hamas officials said their job was to stop rocket attacks on Israel not only from its own armed groups, but also from others based in Gaza, including Islamic Jihad and Al Aksa Martyrs Brigades.
It took some days but they were largely successful. Hamas imposed its will and even imprisoned some of those who were firing rockets. But the goods shipments, while up some 25 to 30 percent and including a mix of more items, never began to approach what Hamas thought it was going to get. Israel said it planned to increase the shipments in stages, and noted that the rockets never stopped completely.
After the truce lapsed on Dec. 19, rocket firing stepped up quickly, and Israeli air strikes soon began, followed by a ground invasion on Jan. 3.
The Israeli government's stated war goals were relatively modest: to reduce Hamas's ability and will to fire rockets and to change the security equation in the south.
The extent of the destruction wrought by the Israeli military was breathtaking. Bombs pulverized the Parliament and cabinet buildings, the Ministry of Justice, the main university and the police station, paralyzing Gaza's central nervous system and leaving residents in a state of shock. Thousands dragged belongings from ruined homes.
Support for the invasion was nearly unanimous among an Israeli public long frustrated at having to endure rocket attacks from what they regarded as an implacable foe. But the fighting drew widespread international criticism, particularly as only 13 Israelis were reported killed to the 1,300 or more Palestinians, especially civilian casualties. The conflict also strained relations between Israel and the United Nations, when Israeli mortars hit a school run by the United Nations, killing more than 40 people, and an airstrike hit the organization's compound. Israelis blamed Hamas fighters for mingling with civilians, and for firing rockets and mortars from the vicinity of schools and mosques.
WAR CRIMES INVESTIGATION
A United Nations fact-finding mission investigating the three-week war issued a lengthy, scathing report on Sept. 15, 2009 that concluded that both the Israeli military and Palestinian armed groups committed actions amounting to war crimes, and possibly crimes against humanity.
The four-member mission, led by Justice Richard Goldstone, a widely respected South African judge, also concluded that neither Israel nor the Palestinian groups had carried out any "credible investigations" into the alleged violations. The Israeli government angrily disputed the reprt's conclusions.
AFTERMATH OF WAR
Despite vague Israeli hopes that Hamas could be completely removed, that has not happened. Much of the group's manpower remained intact, mostly because it made a point of fighting at a distance - or not at all - whenever possible despite the fury of the Israeli advance and bombardment.
But Israeli officials said that with the heavy damage to smuggler tunnels from Egypt and a mix of technology and policy to prevent further smuggling, Hamas will not again become the scourge it had been before the attack.
The invasion has effects beyond Gaza as well. Many Palestinians living in the West Bank expressed disgust with Fatah, which was widely seen to have been weakened by Israel's brutal use of force. And the Arab community was split in its reaction to the conflict. Qatar and Syria supported Hamas - as did non-Arab Iran - while Egypt, Jordan and Saudi Arabia sought to help the Palestinian Authority of Mr. Abbas. Opinion in Arab countries appeared to be firmly on Hamas's side, further deepening rifts between governments and their populace.
Despite the cease-fire, Palestinian militants have sporadically fired rockets into Israeli territory, and Israel has retaliated with limited airstrikes against smuggling tunnels and with other small-scale raids. But a tenuous calm remains.
PRECONDITIONS FOR PEACE
Egypt has been holding separate talks with Israel and Hamas, and has indicated that it is trying to reach a formula for consolidating the cease-fire.
In return for a cease-fire lasting a year or more, Hamas is demanding the lifting of Israel's 18-month economic embargo on Gaza and the opening of the border crossings for regular commerce.
In the months that followed the conflict, Israeli officials remained skeptical of opening the borders. Many believe that their war served as deterrence and note the drastic reduction in rocket fire as evidence. They fear that steel or cement will be siphoned off by Hamas for arms. But they are feeling pressure from the Americans and United Nations, and they are discussing a pilot project.
The aim of the blockade is to keep Gaza at subsistence and offer a contrast with the West Bank, which in theory benefits from foreign aid and economic and political development. Hamas supporters will then realize their mistake. The plan has not gone well, however, partly because the West Bank under Israeli occupation remains no one's idea of paradise and partly because Hamas seems more in control here every year, with cleaner streets and lower crime, although its popularity is hard to gauge.
Some Palestinians argue that the current system serves only Hamas, since it taxes the illicit tunnel goods and limited currency exchanges and is not blamed by the people for the outside siege. If glass and cement are allowed in through the crossings with Israel, they say, Hamas will not get the credit and the Palestinian Authority could collect the taxes.
Meanwhile, Gaza feels more and more like a Hamas state and less linked to the West Bank. Men are increasingly bearded, women are more covered. Hamas is the main employer. Schools and courts, once run by the Fatah-dominated Palestinian Authority, are all Hamas. The government is collecting information on companies and nonprofit groups and seeking control over them.
RAID ON THE FLOTILLA
In May 2010, a group called Free Gaza Now and a Turkish organization, Insani Yardim Vakfi, organized a flotilla of six ships that carried 10,000 tons of aid for Gaza, in an attempt to highlight the Israeli blockade. Israel warned the vessels to abort their mission, describing it as a provocation.
About 4 a.m. May 31, naval commandos came aboard the Turkish ship, the Mavi Marmara, having been lowered by ropes from helicopters onto the decks. At that point, the operation seems to have gone badly wrong. Israeli officials say that the soldiers were dropped into an ambush and were attacked with clubs, metal rods and knives. Organizers of the flotilla accused the Israeli forces of opening fire as soon as they landed on the deck.
The violence touched off a furor in Turkey and much of the Middle East and intensified calls for Israel to end its three-year blockade of the Gaza Strip.
With the confrontation, the Free Gaza Movement seemed to have hit on a strategy that, even when it fails in its aims, succeeds in tactical terms: The world sees Israel use military force against civilians, and an international uproar intensifies pressure on Israel to end the blockade.
Until the June announcement, Israel had largely blocked construction materials from entering Gaza, arguing that Hamas could use those materials to build bunkers and rockets. The decision applied only to building supplies for projects supervised by the United Nations or foreign governments.
Israel offered no retreat on other aspects of the three-year-old blockade, including restrictions on the passage of people in and out of Gaza, exports or the importation of raw materials for the enclave's largely paralyzed industries. And officials insisted that the naval blockade had to remain in place to prevent the smuggling of weapons and other war matériel.
An Israeli investigation into the flotilla incident found that though the raid was plagued by errors of planning, intelligence and coordination, the killings of the nine Turks on board were justified. A senior officer involved in the inquiry said that at least 65 Turkish Islamic militants armed with metal sticks and knives were on the flotilla’s main ship, and had vowed to fight any effort by the Israeli Navy to board.
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Highlights From the Archives

Hamas Shifts From Rockets to Culture War
By ETHAN BRONNER
Seven months after Israel’s military campaign against its rockets, Hamas has shifted its focus to cultural initiatives to gain support at home and abroad.July 24, 2009worldNews

In Shattered Gaza Town, Roots of Seething Split
By ETHAN BRONNER and SABRINA TAVERNISE
The fighting in El Atatra tells the story of Israel’s offensive, with each side giving a very different version.February 4, 2009worldNews
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Gaza: Fatal Cross-Border Clash
By FARES AKRAM
A Palestinian militant was killed and an Israeli soldier was lightly wounded Monday in cross-border clashes in the southeast Gaza Strip, the Israeli military said.August 16, 2010
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Netanyahu Testifies in Israel’s Flotilla Inquiry
By ISABEL KERSHNER
Benjamin Netanyahu told an inquiry into the naval raid on a Gaza aid flotilla that Turkey had ignored its warnings to order the ship around.August 10, 2010
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Steal This Movie
By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
The documentary “Precious Life” is instructive for those who want to criticize Israel.August 8, 2010
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Shooting Back, With Video
By DON DUNCAN
With the aid of an Israeli human rights group, a generation of young Palestinian filmmakers document IDF abuses, and hone their skills.August 7, 2010
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Israel, Turkey and the U.N.
Israel showed good sense in deciding to cooperate with an international inquiry into the May 31 flotilla attack. All parties must ensure that the inquiry uncovers the full story.August 3, 2010
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U.N. Forms Review Panel for Israeli Raid on Flotilla
By NEIL MACFARQUHAR; SEBNEM ARSU CONTRIBUTED REPORTING FROM ISTANBUL, and ISABEL KERSHNER FROM JERUSALEM.
With the vague mandate described, it remained an open question whether the panel would conduct its own investigation or simply review what was produced by the opposing sides.August 3, 2010
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The Palestinians, Alone
By EFRAIM KARSH
Could Arab apathy about the Palestinian-Israeli conflict help bring about Middle East peace?August 2, 2010
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Rocket From Gaza Hits Israeli City
By ISABEL KERSHNER
There were no injuries, but the explosive damaged buildings and brought panic to the streets of Ashkelon on Friday after more than a year of relative calm.July 31, 2010
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The Forgotten American
By ROGER COHEN
The Middle East requires more open debate and the dropping of taboos.July 27, 2010
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Hamas Moves to Enforce Water Pipe Ban in Gaza
By FARES AKRAM
In a new attempt to try to impose a conservative Islamic way of life, Hamas started this weekend to enforce a ban on smoking water pipes in public.July 18, 2010
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Hemmed-In Gazans Find Themselves Locked in Despair
By MICHAEL SLACKMAN and ETHAN BRONNER; MONA EL-NAGGAR and FARES AKRAM CONTRIBUTED REPORTING.
The three-year blockade by Israel and Egypt — and the bitter rivalry between Palestinian factions — has turned the Gazans’ difficult life into a new torment.July 14, 2010
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Israeli Military Finds Flotilla Killings Justified
By ETHAN BRONNER; DAN BILEFSKY CONTRIBUTED REPORTING FROM DIYARBAKIR, TURKEY.
An investigation into the takeover of a flotilla six weeks ago found that it was plagued by errors but that the killings of nine Turks on board were justified.July 13, 2010
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Libyan Aid Ship Plans Run to Gaza
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
A ship commissioned by a Libyan charity has left Greece, but it remains unclear whether it will challenge the Israeli blockade of routes to the territory.July 11, 2010
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After the Flotilla
Turkey and Israel are still stoking anger over the disastrous Israeli attack on a Gaza-bound aid ship. They need to find ways to cool things down.July 10, 2010
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Indictments in Gaza War Are Announced
By ISABEL KERSHNER; FARES AKRAM CONTRIBUTED REPORTING FROM GAZA.
Israel’s military announced disciplinary and legal action in the Gaza offensive as the prime minister visited Washington.July 7, 2010
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Israel Details Easing of Its Gaza Blockade
By ISABEL KERSHNER
The announcement came amid a flurry of activity apparently intended to show momentum ahead of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s meeting with President Obama.July 6, 2010
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Burrowing Through a Blockade
By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF
It’s time for Israel not just to ease the siege of Gaza, but to drop it once and for all.July 4, 2010
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Vandals Set Fire to U.N. Children’s Camp in Gaza
By FARES AKRAM
It was the second attack in the last month. Islamic extremist groups in Gaza have said in the past that the agency that runs the camp is a corrupting influence on local children.June 29, 2010
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War, Timeout, War, Time ...
By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
The time is right for Israel to take the diplomatic initiative.June 27, 2010
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People in Gaza Await Easing of Israeli Blockade
By MICHAEL SLACKMAN; MONA EL-NAGGAR CONTRIBUTED REPORTING.
Many people said that life would be only marginally improved if more goods crossed the border.June 22, 2010
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Easing the Gaza Blockade
Israel has made the right decision to significantly ease the blockade of Gaza. The new policy should be implemented quickly and publicly.June 22, 2010
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Israeli Easing of Blockade of Gaza Draws Praise of U.S.
By ISABEL KERSHNER; REPORTING WAS CONTRIBUTED BY MARK LANDLER FROM WASHINGTON and SEBNEM ARSU FROM ISTANBUL.
While Israel’s announcement did not signal an end to the naval blockade of Gaza, it earned some unusual praise from the Obama administration.June 21, 2010
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Turkey’s Gain Is Iran’s Loss
By ELLIOT HEN-TOV and BERNARD HAYKEL
The U.S. may benefit as Turkey uses the flotilla attack to take a leadership role in the Muslim world.June 19, 2010
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Israel to Ease Gaza Land Blockade
By ISABEL KERSHNER; ISABEL KERSHNER REPORTED FROM JERUSALEM, and ALAN COWELL FROM PARIS.
Israel promised to ease the importation of some goods by land, a move seemingly designed to quell criticism.June 18, 2010
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The Path to Mideast Peace
Catherine Ashton provides a more balanced (and welcome) perspective on the situation in Gaza than what generally has appeared in the world press lately.June 16, 2010
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